One big slice of cheesecake, brought to you by Dian Hanson. This extra-large, extra-lush compendium gathers nearly pin-up artists, with showcase chapters. In the 15 years since TASCHEN released The Great American Pin-up, international interest in this distinctly American art form has increased. In the 15 years since TASCHEN released The Great American Pin-up, international interest in this distinctly American art form has increased exponentially.

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Recreations: Known for her reinventions of Gil Elvgren's classic work, Celeste Giuliano has mastered the art of the pinup icon-- both in the feel and in the details . and promoting pin-up art. Louis is a born researcher at heart and tried to catalog the nearly five hundred paintings done by Gil Elvgren, many. Online PDF The Art of Pin-up, Read PDF The Art of Pin-up, Full PDF The Art of Pin-up, All Ebook The Art of Pin-up, PDF and EPUB The Art of Pin-up, PDF ePub .

Review quote "A must-have for pin-up collectors or fans of bygone eye-candy This pin-up compendium satisfies from both a visual and literary standpoint and although glamour doesn't come cheap, with pages of voluptuous chic, it's well worth the investment. About Dian Hanson The editor: Dian Hanson was born in Seattle in Sketchbooks The contributing authors: Sarahjane Blum is an author, cultural historian, and co-owner of Grapefruit Moon Gallery, which specializes in original American illustration art.

She lives in Minneapolis, Minnesota. Louis Meisel is owner of one of the oldest pin-up and illustration art galleries in New York. All his Glamorous American Pin-ups. Rating details. Book ratings by Goodreads. His masturbation would shame the female body, whereas mine enveloped it in love.

I imagined being the pinup women, but not for him. Already instructed in wanting to be what my feminist generation would fiercely cri- tique, woman as sex object. Already aware that afemale soul-and-mind-inseparable- from-body could perform for its own pleasure. This conversation serves as a visual diagram of Frueh's feelings on the contradictions and powers of feminism- as if to illustrate how the loving gaze of her young self had the power to ward away the violating gaze from this smiling, guileless pin-up's sexuality as the two become one in the grown-up author's pin-up self-portrait.

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Frueh's strategies ex- emplify those of feminists throughout history who have used the pin- up to simultaneously exploit and challenge its popular acceptance as a marker of unstable and multiplicitous but eminently desirable and plea- surable female sexuality.

In her revolutionary and highly influential "Cyborg Manifesto," Har- away calls for this paradoxical image of feminism to be tempered by the sense of self-awareness with which the movement first encouraged women to approach their lives and choices.

Haraway's call "for pleasure in the confusion of boundaries and for responsibility in their construc- tion" reflects a new way of considering the popular feminist rallying cry of "the personal is the political" that explicitly takes into account the issues of pleasure, diversity, and agency. However, I will begin my study by tracing this approach to the very origins of the organized feminist movement in the mid-nineteenth century- during which time the pin- up genre also first emerged.

Dejmingj Deje11ding the "Feminist Pin-Up" 17 Waving, Not Drowning: On the Problematic Resiliency of Feminism Because of my choice to address this historical sweep of the feminist pin-up, rather than zero in on a single period or movement, I have also chosen to historicize the pin- up's evolution through feminism's own- an evolution historians of the modern women's movement generally address as three "waves" of feminist expression and organizing that have emerged since the late eighteenth century.

However, because in both cultural studies and art history feminism is used almost exclusively as an ahistorical interpretive tool rather than addressed as an activist history, perhaps a brief description of these historical markers and their contem- porary significance is in order.

The wave metaphor has been frequently applied to Western feminist history for its ability to simultaneously define surges in the organized women's movement around specific issues and experiences, even as it suggests the presence of differing voices, de- bates, and even generations within them.

The first wave of feminism is by far the most nebulous, in large part because for nearly years its myriad participants were almost uniformly involved in the one battle that tended to connect them: enfranchisement in democratic societies.

As such, feminism's first wave encompasses individuals and movements as separated by time and approach as Mary Wollstonecraft - whose A Vindication of the Rights of Woman was published in the wake of the American and French revolutions to contrast women's universal power- lessness against the self- congratulatory, democratic zeal of revolution- ary philosophers-and Simone de Beauvoir-whose groundbreaking book The Second Sex was begun shortly after French women first gained the vote in However, the first-wave period between roughly and is marked by feminist activity ebbing as women in Europe and North America sorted out the limits of enfranchisement that they had won and applied throughout these years.

In this period feminism was also actively fought within these same cultures, a backlash against both women's gains to date and the world-upside-down that they threatened to many - a period that Shulamith Firestone would in call history's "first 18 bJtroduction counteroffensive" against the women's movement. Firestone, however, would be among the firebrands of feminism's second wave, born largely of the labor and civil rights movements of the post- World War II era, which in the s sought to take inventory of and fight against on- going sexism that voting rights alone had been clearly incapable of un- doing.

Generally referred to, then as now, as the "women's liberation movement," feminism's second wave used strategies of the progressive movements from which its leaders sprung, similarly initiating and pass- ing equal-rights legislation -concerning everything from reproductive rights to gender-specific classified ads-as well as producing feminist memoirs, theory, and collectives that raised consciousness concerning more insidious examples of sexism ingrained and normalized in every- day life.

While this era is often discussed as not just popularizing but institutionalizing feminism- both as an "institution" with certain com- mon goals and practices, and within institutions ranging from national governments to organized religion - the fact is that the second wave was far more diverse and contentious than it is or was generally ac- knowledged to be, leading to visible fissures from the start of this era's feminist resurgence.

Feminists of color and working-class women called attention to the middle- to-upper-class Eurocentrism of second wave leaders, straight and lesbian feminists debated the "proper" sexual posi- tioning of the movement's members, and sex- radical and anticensorship feminists declared their right to sexual self-expression in the midst of antipornography activism.

This expanding discourse-and the heated debates that it inspired -resulted in a diverse and increasingly individualistic feminism that, as the evolving movement both shaped and responded to postmodern theory, would by the s give way to what many have begun to both recognize and theorize as a third wave of feminism in our present day.

The Art of Pin-up

Polarization, which is a theatrical representation of dif- ference, tames and binds that anxiety. However, like Henry, I also recognize a crucial problem in applying this seemingly fluid structure in our present moment of feminist history in that the "emergence of feminism's third wave seems to profoundly alter our use of the metaphor of the wave.

Given the early mapping of 'mother' and 'daughter' onto 'second wave' and 'third wave,' the wave metaphor and the mother- daughter relationship increasingly have be- come synonymous within feminist discourse.

While initially offering a generational model located outside the family, then, the wave metaphor has come to resemble the familial structure with its understanding of generations based on the human life cycle. Moreover, it forces women who came to the movement in the late s and early s to choose either one side or the other in this illusory divide-or worse: "As they can be understood as neither 'mothers' nor 'daughters' within feminism's imagined family structure, such feminists [fmd themselves] frequently absent from recent discourse on feminism's seemingly two 20 Introduction generations.

The wave model respects the fluidity and resiliency of the women's movement but also respects the significance of difference and even conflict therein - which I believe many feminists who reject the wave metaphor wish to sweep under the rug in favor of a unity-just as illusory as a generation-based feminism-that threatens to prove fatal.

Nancy Whittier has compel- lingly argued that "the presence and strength of conflicts over what it means to be a feminist and over appropriate feminist behavior and goals signify the continued vitality of the movement. A movement remains alive as long as there is struggle over its collective identity, or as long as calling oneself or one's organization 'feminist' means something.

Indeed, I will argue that the pin-up itself, which has always struck a balance between tradition and transgression, makes it a useful case study for an investigation of not just feminist sexuality, but feminism itself. For this reason, I address feminism's various "waves" less to mark or privilege age-based feminist genera- tions so much as periodize feminism itself.

Granted, I agree with Whit- tier's contention that "activists have long taken for granted [that] what it means to call oneself 'feminist' varies greatly over time, often leading to conflict over movement goals, values, ideology, strategy, or individual behavior.

In other words, coming of political age at different times gives people different perspectives. Beside their nebulous beginning and end, they also flow into one another. Both feminists and feminism itself exist, live through, and define the third wave - an evolving, malleable present, not a fixed, generational label- which is as much built upon as it is a challenge to the waves that came before.

We are all invested in contributing to and vigilantly look- ing out for what is made of feminist practice as the tide continues to roll.

This book responds to Henry's call for "the public exposure of the differ- ences and diversity" within feminism's history, in the hopes that in pre- senting feminism-past and present-"as contested ground, it appears both alive and lively, open and eager for a new generation to engage with it.

I hope that my choice of the popular pin-up will encourage this discourse as it relates to both activist and academic feminists, popular and privileged imagery, across not only generations but also cultures and classes. In chapter 1, I investigate the origins of the popular pin-up genre alongside the concurrent invention and popularization of photography as well as the emergence of both a rapidly growing middle class and an organized feminist movement in industrialized nations during the 22 Introduction mid- nineteenth century.

This period's shifting ideals of female sexu- ality were literally embodied by female stage performers, whose ordi- narily taboo expression of the female sexual agency and self-awareness many contemporary feminists were promoting was viewed as accept- able under the rubric of burlesque theatricals-which, like photogra- phy, were becoming increasingly popular among both male and female bourgeois patrons.

I will address the ways in which, by juxtaposing and manipulating these concurrent trends in bourgeois culture, female bur- lesque performers used photography both to invent the pin-up girl and to imbue the genre with the same subversive, expressive sexuality that period feminists would increasingly view as an essential part of modern women's emancipation. Chapter 2 tracks the pin-up's move into the twentieth century, dur- ing which time- reflecting the chaotic climate of fin de siecle culture -the genre grew to add an emerging feminist model known as the New Woman to a slowly growing cast of popular images of sexual- ized womanhood.

As embodied by Charles Dana Gibson's illustrated "Gibson Girl" pin-ups, the New Woman, like the burlesque pin-up that preceded her, was a paradoxical, modern sexual ideal- however, unlike her clearly transgressive burlesque predecessors, the subversive edges of both the New Woman's feminism and sexuality were tempered by her familiarity.

Like the feminist movement itself, the frightening openness of the New Woman was precisely her appeal: she might be native or immigrant, working- or upper-class, bride or "bachelor girl;' even-as demonstrated in the photography of Frances Benjamin Johnston mod- eled after Gibson's illustrated types-straight or lesbian.

One thing that the New Woman always was, however, was Anglo, and this chapter addresses the limits of celebrating this era of rapidly changing roles for women- in both their personal and professional lives- by draw- ing attention to the ways in which progressive views concerning femi- nist sexuality did not extend to either "Oriental" or African Ameri- can women.

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Indeed, even white actresses - the presumed decadence of their profession thrown into high relief next to the well-scrubbed New Woman -were generally lumped into this period's "Othering" of certain female sexualities as feminist self-expression became more and more acceptably bourgeois. While this period is marked by new activism in the form of well- organized and even violent suffrage protests, chapter 3 explores how the increasingly public and demanding feminist movement would also find it prudent to counter its radical new image by holding up popular female stage performers as icons of the movement.

In these years the success and independence, even the eccentricities and sex appeal we see in the popu- lar pin- up imagery of actresses such as Sarah Bernhardt and Ethel Barry- more - marveled at and admired by legions of fans across cultures and classes - were held up by suffragists as models of the myriad freedoms that enfranchisement would offer women. In this period, suffragists also came to appreciate theatricality itself as an activist strategy, and younger suffragists would embrace the self- consciously stylish image and perfor- mative feminism of the actress as tools through which suffrage protests might be turned into persuasive "parades.

Indeed, the "fashionable feminist" that emerged in the years brack- eting the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in the United States would be so popular as to provide the country's rapidly growing movie industry with a convenient symbol for the very type of transgressive, modern female characters on which the young industry's fortunes would be built.

Whether in the form of serial daredevils, adventurous heiresses, or what the cinema scholar Lori Landay calls the "kinaesthetic" flap- per, Hollywood recognized that women whose behavior pushed bound- aries of traditional femininity guaranteed a box- office blitz. In addition to creating female characters to whom the period's overwhelmingly female audiences could both relate and aspire, the movie industry dis- covered that using the socially progressive language of the women's movement lent a political or educational "moral" to their otherwise sensationalist films.

Perhaps unsurprisingly, in these years the domi- nant organizations of the American suffrage movement created their own popular films- built around real-life causes fought for by the films' fictional heroines-to exploit the industry's own exploitation of the 24 Introduction movement. In the midst of this revolution in popular culture, the film "fanzine" was born to report upon, analyze, and promote cinema and the modern culture that it championed, primarily to the young women whose lifestyles it allegedly reflected and whose pocketbooks were fi- nancing the burgeoning industry.

Chapter 4 addresses the ways in which pin- ups presented in fanzines like Photoplay around the years of late woman suffrage give us a clear sense of how the turn-of-the-century New Woman evolved through its construction, reception, and emula- tion in a fum culture much invested in feminist culture. Alas, as the sensational modern woman depicted in Hollywood films gave rise to the creation and enforcement of the movie industry's Hays Code in the early s, industry efforts to avoid the ire of censors would tame her into submission.

The demise of these early feminist models in the cinema also reflected the period's overwhelming anti- feminist backlash after the successes of the international suffrage move- ment took away the single rallying point of organized feminist activism, and the economic depression that affected most of the nations affected by suffrage encouraged a dim view of women who agitated for gen- der equality when many argued more pressing problems needed to take priority.

However, when "pressed" further by the unique cultural chal- lenges arising from America's involvement in World War II, the pin- up once again came to idealize a subversive model of female sexuality with its explosive popularity during the war. Focusing on the phenome- non of illustrator Alberto Vargas's "Varga Girl," chapter 5 addresses his pin- ups as exemplary of the period's feminine ideals.

The Varga Girl presented the American public with a heretofore unheard of combi- nation of conventional beauty, blatant sexuality, professional indepen- dence, and wholesome patriotism that resembled the similar, contradic- tory cocktail of attributes cultivated by young women of the period.

With the entire country focused on even pandering to youth as their strength and stamina were needed to lead the country into war, young Americans' fascination with the pin-up became the country's, and the Varga Girl a subversive icon for the sweeping changes in gender roles and sexual mores that developed during World War II.

Such developments toward the creation of a feminist ideal embraced by popular culture would rapidly change at the war's end. However-as Friedan's own life as a mother, wife, journalist, and activist demonstrated-many women circumvented antifeminist post- war ideals in ways that would logically evolve into the full-blown sec- ond wave of the women's movement in the s.

In chapter 6 I track ways in which the pin-up genre reflected these changes in ways both subtle and explicit, and to audiences both underground and popular. In- deed, with the pin-up's increasing absorption for analysis by both the burgeoning civil- rights movement and the art-world avant-garde of the postwar era, the political meanings of the pin-up, so covert in previous generations, were acknowledged and amplified.

The Art of Pin Up

These countercultural movements' approaching the pin-up as a subject of their progressive, yet critical view of the role of beauty and sexuality in contemporary cul- ture gave license to pop artists, who would begin to recycle the image of the now nostalgic pin- up with meanings that fit the period's heady climate of political, cultural, and sexual revolution.

This legacy would prove both influential and problematic to feminism in the late s and s. You can change your ad preferences anytime. Upcoming SlideShare. Like this presentation? Why not share! An annual anal Embed Size px. Start on. Show related SlideShares at end. WordPress Shortcode.

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I sensed that he liked the pinup bodies differently than I did, that his soul-and-mind-inseparable-from-body worked on them from vio- 16 Introduction lation; for though I gave him some of the drawings, I felt dubious when I did so.

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Embracing the postmodern concept of the potential and "ownership" of one's unique politics and self- expression, as well as the redefmitions of "community" that inevitably 26 Introduction followed, feminism's current and third wave also emerged from this culture to stress the multiple feminisms within the now- sprawling and truly international feminist community.

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